1. Soft propaganda, such as television dramas and viral social media content, can effectively manipulate emotions and have a durable effect on nationalist attitudes.
2. Soft propaganda is intended to make credible claims, be aesthetically appealing, and frequently embeds political messages in art and entertainment.
3. Soft propaganda can play a complementary role to heavy-handed hard propaganda by amplifying persuasive and appealing messages, allowing autocrats to selectively apply different types of messaging to strategically manipulate the public.
The article "How Soft Propaganda Persuades" by Daniel C. Mattingly and Elaine Yao presents a study on the effectiveness of soft propaganda in manipulating emotions and political attitudes, particularly in promoting anti-foreign nationalism in China. The authors argue that while hard propaganda is designed to intimidate citizens into compliance, soft propaganda, such as television dramas and viral social media content, can be an effective tool of persuasion by amplifying persuasive and appealing messages.
The study conducted experiments exposing over 6800 respondents in China to real propaganda videos drawn from state-run newscasts, state-approved television dramas, and state-backed social media accounts. The findings show that each of the widely viewed propaganda videos tested was highly effective at manipulating emotions and had a durable effect on nationalist attitudes. Viewing nationalist soft propaganda videos increased anti-foreign sentiment both immediately after exposure and up to a week later.
However, the authors also found that consuming propaganda did not reduce respondents' self-reported willingness to protest against the government or increase their satisfaction with government performance. This finding goes against conventional wisdom that nationalist propaganda directly builds support for autocratic governments or reduces the likelihood of anti-regime protest.
While the study provides valuable insights into the effectiveness of soft propaganda in promoting nationalism in China, it has some potential biases and limitations. Firstly, the study only focuses on one authoritarian regime (China) and does not explore how audiences respond to combinations of hard and soft propaganda or other forms of authoritarian political messaging.
Secondly, while the authors acknowledge that emotional manipulation is core to nationalism, they do not explore how this emotional manipulation can lead to harmful consequences such as xenophobia or discrimination towards foreigners.
Thirdly, the study does not provide evidence for its claim that hard propaganda is designed solely to intimidate citizens into compliance. While this may be true for some regimes like North Korea or Syria, it may not be applicable to all authoritarian regimes.
Finally, while the authors argue that credible, entertaining, and emotionally resonant soft propaganda can be an effective tool of persuasion, they do not explore how this can lead to a lack of critical thinking among citizens or reinforce confirmation bias.
In conclusion, while "How Soft Propaganda Persuades" provides valuable insights into the effectiveness of soft propaganda in promoting nationalism in China, it has some potential biases and limitations that need further exploration. Future research should examine how different types of authoritarian political messaging affect citizens' attitudes towards their governments and foreign countries.